22 June 1961: The National Assembly is almost vacant. Some 89 members send their regrets; 42 are excused; and 48 are absent without excuse or permission. The atmosphere is tense inside the room and all eyes are turned to the podium where a number of military revolution commanders are sitting, alongside Parliament Speaker Anwar Al-Sadat is warning attending MPs about the consequences of resisting the proposed legislation being discussed in this rushed debate.

The revolutionaries who reluctantly voted for President Mohamed Morsy in the runoffs in the presidential election — the “Lemon Squeezers,” as many called them — are once again coming under fire. The Lemon Squeezers are being held responsible for Morsy’s confused decisions. The main goal of this attack is to have those reluctant voters say they made a mistake by not voting for Ahmed Shafiq, Morsy’s contender in the runoff. The point is to reinstate Shafiq as a viable option in preparation for his return as the savior from Muslim Brotherhood misery.

I had gone to Tahrir nearly two hours earlier to check on my sister. She had beaten me there and had succeeded in foiling an attempt by security forces to arrest her 15-year-old son. After I had made sure that she’d go home, and after I’d lied to her telling her that I, too, would go home, I joined a crowd of about three or four thousand people at the corner of Mohamed Mahmoud Street.

There is a widespread myth that Egyptian Muslims and Christians are alike and that “Egyptian society is formed from a single fibre.” The idea betrays a failure to understand how differently Egyptian Christians and Muslims see themselves, and their society.

It is a motley crew that finds shelter in Tahrir Square these days. On the afternoon of 7 April, a man at a tea stand wanted to see off a youth and so threw a glass mug at him. It missed the youth and hit someone next to him, shattering into tiny fragments on his head. The man made a brief apology as he turned around to sit back down and his victim raised his hand in the air and said, "No problem," as he staggered away.

Former US President Bill Clinton signed a presidential decree on 21 June 1995 to allow the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to send suspected terrorists to foreign countries, including Egypt, to exercise the required interrogations and investigations.

Higher Education Reform in Post-Revolution Egypt by Anthony J. Perzigian, PhD, Board of Trustees Chair Adviser, Future University in Egypt, and Provost and Professor Emeritus, University of Cincinnati (USA)

Former US President Bill Clinton signed a presidential decree on 21 June 1995 to allow the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to send suspected terrorists to foreign countries, including Egypt, to exercise the required interrogations and investigations.

Over the past three weeks, Egypt has witnessed several electoral experiments that deserve deep reflection and analysis.

Political violence among citizens, which has been escalating for months, is less dangerous than violence which occurs between citizens and state institutions.

In the past two months, circumstances allowed me to visit three royal palaces, two of which were abroad, and the third in Egypt. I found myself assessing comparing and lamenting the miserable condition of Egypt's palaces and museums.

Gaining freedom of speech and other forms of unfettered public visibility after long decades of repression and silencing – thanks to the January 25 Revolution – the Muslim Brothers now raise their collective voice in defence of patriarchal oppression writ wide and deep.

Since February 2011, Egyptian authorities have designed their fiscal, monetary and exchange rate policies for the sole purpose of preventing the gradual rise of prices for the broad base of Egyptians, in particular, the urban poor and the lower-middle classes.

The logjam in the political scene before the revolution transformed professional and student unions into the backyards of politics. These bodies abandoned their services and professional role and became platforms to battle tyranny and exclusion. This was, for example, apparent in the substantial rise of the Muslim Brotherhood in professional unions during the 1990s (including the unions of doctors, engineers, lawyers, educators, pharmacists and others.)

It’s nice that President Morsi and his merry band of Brothers are on top of governing the country. Whether it’s healing the flagging economy or securing the policing of the state amidst growing reports of vigilantism, they are doing an upstanding job of taking a practical approach to finding solutions as well as ensuring they maintain their visibility in front of the nation and keeping everyone’s spirits up. Wait a minute…..

First, the slow but steady reduction in foreign reserves and the pressures it is putting on the country’s monetary situation are threatening Egypt’s economic foundations. Short term management of the reserves becomes very tricky; inflation on basic goods start to rise; and various corresponding social challenges materialize. But the key risk here lies in getting entangled in stop-gap measures that are very detached from an environment of economic growth.

Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi will visit Qatar on 26 and 27 March to attend the 34th summit of the Arab League. His visit is the first to the wealthy natural gas monarchy, but follows numerous visits to Cairo in recent months by various senior Qatari officials, including the country's emir, Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Sheikh Hamad bin Jassem, and the head of the intelligence service, Ahmed Nasser bin Jassem.

At a time when many Egyptian workers are protesting against the chief executives of companies demanding better rights, employees at Orascom Construction Industries demonstrated an unusual display of loyalty against accusations from the government that the company owes EGP 14bn ($2.1bn) in back taxes relating to the 2007 sale of its cement arm to France’s Lafarge.

“Egyptians will not be fooled into participating in a fake democracy, regardless of the internal and external pressures,” opposition leader Mohamed ElBaradei said, in response to US Secretary of State John Kerry’s call for opposition parties to take part in upcoming parliamentary elections.

The continuously complex political scene, partially due to the positions and competence of those in power and the opposition, is an expression of the conflict between two visions of governance.

If you follow the annual reports of the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF), you will read a sad catalog of persecution and discrimination against Christians, Jews and members of other religions around the world.