In the desolation and stillness of the prison cell, you sit with all your senses in a state of alertness, waiting for one of two things. You wait for either a voice from within you to keep you company throughout the night, mixed with memories of your friends, and your loved ones. You talk to them as if they were there. Prison gives you a lot of time, maybe too much time, to look at the faces of your loved ones.

On 8 June, President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi completed half of his first presidential term, and there are only two years left before he faces a new presidential election. I do not think the coming election will be similar in its circumstances and consequences to the former election that led Al-Sisi to Itihadiya Palace two years ago, obtaining 23 million votes. In the 2014 elections, Egyptians were looking for a “saviour”, not just a new head of the executive authority. However, the upcoming 2018 elections will be different, and the considerations that must be made will be different, too. This situation will be reflected on the nature of the electoral competition, and the level of support for candidates will differ whether Al-Sisi was one of those candidates or not.

The Muslim world’s battle over the legitimacy of political Islam has expanded to the soccer pitch as proponents and opponents of interpreting the faith politically seek to impose their public morals, with men’s hairstyles and facial hair taking centre stage.

The good news is that the cabinet has sent the law for organising media to parliament for discussion and approval, after reportedly it made slight amendments to the legislation developed by the 50-person committee, which is an independent committee of journalists and media personnel.

This piece might be uncomfortable for some people. Over the years, we have grown accustomed to celebrating the holy month of Ramadan as one of the most festive occasions of the year. Undoubtedly, the religious value of the month in the Islamic faith and its spiritual purposes are unquestionable. In Egyptian society in particular, Ramadan creates a sense of solidarity and mutual cooperation that transcends many of our daily negativities and hostilities.

As soon as I heard about the sectarian events in Abu Qirqas in Minya several events popped into my mind. I looked them up in newspaper archives and have collected them as they are presented below. Quoted from Al-Masry Al-Youm on 6 February 2008: “Four of Al-Ahly fans are arrested and accused of burning a Zamalek fan.” Cairo Security Forces succeeded in arresting four people involved in burning Mohammed Abd Amawla, the Zamalek fan, last Saturday on Al-Ouroba Street before a football match between Al-Ahly and Zamalek in Cairo Stadium.

In a village in Minya, a group of around 300 young men attacked the house of an elderly Christian lady. They dragged her out of the house, stripped her naked and chanted around her: "God is Great."

Hepta (The Last Lecture) was probably the most anticipated Egyptian movie of the year, which comes as no surprise as it is based on the massively successful, best-selling novel of the same title. The novel received polarising reviews, which ranged from being called a masterpiece of modern Egyptian romantic fiction to a piece of overly sentimental literature that exclusively targets teenagers. The movie, on the other hand, though suffering some fatal flaws, proved to be a much better product than the source it was based upon. Topping the list of things that made both fans of the novel and non-readers excited for the cinematic released, is the film’s massively talented and star-studded cast. Hepta definitely benefits from having Maged Al-Kidwani as its protagonist and narrator. From the moment his ‘Dr Shoukry’ is introduced to us on screen, one can’t help but fall in love with the simplicity and spontaneity of Al-Kidwani’s performance. The presence and command that he brings to the movie with every scene makes viewers eagerly await his plotline coming back to the screen, allowing the movie to be more enjoyable, and his character to be the most memorable within the plethora of fairly similar characters.

To confront Egypt’s addiction crisis head on, the Ministry of Social Solidarity launched the campaign “You Are Stronger than Drugs.” The initiative, introduced by Minister Ghada Wali, is worth noting and may prove to be immensely effective in the long run. I watched Dr. Wali speak on the issue with Lamees El Hadidi on Hona El Asema, and here are the accomplishments thus far.

Day after day, there are more signs demonstrating the lack of any willingness on the Egyptian state’s part to even remotely apply the principles of freedom of information that are stipulated in Egypt’s Constitution. Between measures like media gags, cracking down on civil society organisations, delegitimising international human rights reports and official statements that ask Egyptians to listen only to their rulers, the state appears to be after an environment where it monopolises information on all possible levels.

Have you ever met a Christian who joking said, “Praise Jesus” and then followed it by, “Why haven’t you converted to Christianity already?”

Egypt is in need of effort from its nationals who have a vision and can make decisive, bold decisions. We have countless problems, but also solutions. We look for foreign funding to invest in Egypt, but we should also consider the wasted billions of the state budget through studying and researching to balance inputs and outputs and understand the level of corruption that takes place at the higher level.

In a fractious, unstable region rife with conflict, one country appears to be unscathed. It is telling that Oman emerged not only intact from the ramifications of the Arab Spring, but also shied away from the intense polarisation that has hijacked the rest of the Middle East. Oman’s position on various regional issues is self-evidently peaceful and different from the other Gulf monarchies. In fact, behind this peaceful and unique position lies a hive of activity of which many may be unaware. As part of the revolutionary wave, a series of popular demonstrations were held in Oman with the masses calling for better living standards (including lower living costs, less corruption, salary increases, and job creation) and more democracy. The protests were peaceful and showed respect for the ruler. In return, Sultan Qaboos bin Said Al-Said accepted the petitions and undertook a number of steps to contain the unrest.

During a recent trip to Argentina I was talking to an old friend, a successful psychiatrist, about Jorge Luis Borges, the famous Argentine writer considered by many as one of the greatest writers of the 20th century. She told me about the only time she had met him. “I had gone to a lecture by Borges at a cultural centre in Buenos Aires. I was a 14-year-old student planning to study literature at the university and become a writer and Borges was a hero of mine.

In previous parts to this series, we were able to understand the types of the problems that would lead you to seek a psychiatrist, types of psychotherapists, and decisions related to ailments and treatments. Now it is time to talk about what you expect from your doctor, what are the specific rules for psychotherapy, and how do you decide whether you should continue to see a therapist or not?

Without commenting on judicial rulings, the continued application of the protest law indicates that the state is continuing down the same path that is taking us toward more tension on the street and further divisions in society, and pushing young people to opt for more strident means to express their despair at ever having a voice.

I know I am not be the first, nor will I be the last, to write about unemployment in Egypt, but in the next few paragraphs I will talk about unemployment as a disaster rather than as a problem. It has become like a snowball whose size increases day by day and afflicts young people and their families every hour of every day. The black terrorism, which brutally hits the Egyptian state in a precise and regular manner, is grateful that we have not resolved this problem, thus our frustrated and bankrupt youth become easy prey and fuel for militant groups.

Generally, discourse in any society is the entire body of words and deeds, and it is social practice. Media discourse conveys this social practice to the audience through media, which has its declared and undeclared prejudices.

Battles for the control of stadiums and other public spaces in Turkey and Egypt have pitched militant soccer fans against authoritarian leaders determined to limit supporters’ ability to challenge their authority. As a result, a struggle that comes on the back of years of confrontation in the stadiums and mass, watershed anti-government protests that in 2011 toppled Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak and in 2013 rocked Turkey and reinforced President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s autocratic instincts, has moved beyond stadiums.

When I read the Central Bank of Egypt (CBE) Law No. 88 of 2003, known as the Banking Law, I could not help but notice Article No. 44 regarding the Federation of Egyptian Banks (FEB).To save the effort of interpreting the law for non-specialists, I will list a summary in the following points: