Free and fair elections are one of democracy’s main pillars as is the smooth and peaceful transfer of power. America has chosen and, whether one approves of that choice or not, it should be accepted and respected both at home and abroad. It is no secret that I wrote an op-ed in August 2015 backing Donald Trump to the hilt and supported his bid for the White House during my keynote address to delegates attending the 24th Annual Arab-US Policymakers Conference held in Washington last year. I felt then—and still do—that a successful businessman would have the skill set to strengthen the US economy, which, in turn, gives a boost to the global economy.

A key memorandum of understanding was signed at the State Department in Washington between Israel and the US last month on the future of US military aid to Israel. The deal was mostly ignored by Arab official and media circles, without any expressions of concern or condemnation or even commitments that the MoU will be studied or its future impact on the power balance in the region explored. Except for a thorough study by one Arab research centre, the Arabs chose to ignore the new US-Israel military agreement for unknown reasons.

Despite the statements and intimations that preceded it, the slate of economic measures instituted last week, and involving the floatation of the currency and increase in price of file, hit Egyptians like a lightening bolt. Maybe because they were bigger and more far-reaching than expected, or because they made concrete the depths of economic decay over the past few years, giving shape to a new economic reality that we must all come to terms with, each according to his position and circumstances. Two questions have been asked repeatedly in recent days: Were these measures as necessary and inevitable as the government says? And were there alternative ways to deal with the current crisis that would have been less brutal for the low and middle classes? Answering these questions requires distinguishing what was possible in the current moment from what was possible before and what should be done in the future.

Can a woman winning the White House change history for Egyptian women? Over the past year, I have been addressing this question with female Egyptian intellectuals in Cairo. Before discussing the intellectual women’s view of the US election, it is worth keeping in mind that only around 28% of Egyptians go to university. So most of the women I talked to do not necessarily represent average Egyptians.

As the date of the United Sates presidential election comes closer, the eyes of the entire world are directed at that election as the most important event in the field of international politics, for the immense weight the US has in the global balance of power.

Continuing the series of articles attacking Egypt, which became rife after the downfall of the Muslim Brotherhood in June 2013, American researcher Steven Cook wrote in the latest issue of Foreign Affairs (November/December 2016) an article entitled “Egypt’s Nightmare: Sisi’s Dangerous War on Terror.”

If there is a genuine intention to revise the protest law, as recommended by the youth summit held in Sharm al-Sheikh last week and attended by the president, then this would be a positive, welcome step But for the initiative to be celebrated, it must involve real, comprehensive change—it can’t be simply an attempt to burnish the country’s image. It must be accompanied by a repeal of other laws issued in the past two years that restrict freedoms. And it must demonstrate the state’s willingness to start fresh in how it approaches these issues.

While the Egyptian pound was devalued officially months ago, talk has surfaced about further devaluations or a full-fledged currency flotation that leaves it at the mercy of both the regular and black markets. Ambiguity launched a frenzied rush to buy dollars and store them, considering the dollar a commodity in itself, coupled with feverish activity in the foreign currency black market.

In January 2011, the majority of Egyptians, befuddled and apprehensive, stayed at home but watched closely as history unfolded. They knew that change was needed; they realised that the calls of those in Tahrir Square were warranted, but they were extremely anxious over short and long-term repercussions. In the short term, imminent danger had Egyptians nights-on-end guard their homes and possessions from looting and thuggery. As prisons and police stations got broken into, as official buildings and churches were set on fire, and as streets became treacherous, Egyptians suffered nerve-racking panic and curfew restrictions.

Faced with a drop in popularity, intermittent protests against rising prices, and calls for a mass anti-government demonstration, Egyptian general-turned-president Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi is seeking to appease the country’s youth, soccer fans, and activists with promises of change. Al-Sisi’s efforts that include a one-time lifting of a ban on spectators attending soccer matches and promises of revisions to Egypt’s draconic anti-Protest Law, as well as a review of the cases of youth detained without trial and monthly meetings with young people to follow up on resolutions of a national youth conference held earlier this month have, however, provoked sharp criticism, even before they got off the ground.

Apparently, seeing their child as a “mini-me” pleases many Egyptian parents who are quite eager to observe their life course (entailing the sum of their virtues and vices) portrayed in their children. Happiness and success are often measured in accordance with the parents’ particular perspectives, consisting mainly of children upholding their parents’ values, beliefs—and even career paths. While they may not always be aware of it, many parents manage, in one way or another, to imprint their passions, as well as their professions, upon their children, making sure that they inherit both.

I was always perplexed: equilibrium management is wise, but some issues deserve stronger intervention — a plan, will power, and relentless and sustained action. Equilibrium management can sum up widely different approaches. Farouk’s approach (if we exclude the first years) was “each force will have its time”. Mubarak’s was, “I’ll find a playfield for everybody.” Mubarak tried to banish politics. Farouk was fond of this game and could be, when he devoted time to it, a subtle player. Farouk was bent on self-destruction, Mubarak on self-preservation. Regarding “grand designs,” I tend to consider them necessary and I’m worried for democracies that are unable to produce them. But in authoritarian regimes, they can be a blessing, and they can be a curse. For the analyst, assessing them is a difficult task, especially if you are not indifferent. There are further difficulties: how to decipher this grand design?

Pressured by human rights and trade union activists leveraging Qatar’s exposure as a World Cup host and influenced by subtle changes sparked by popular Arab revolts in recent years, young Qataris are pushing the envelope, broaching publicly hitherto taboo subjects like homosexuality, women’s dress codes, and citizenship. The pushing of the envelope may be the most marked in Qatar because the prospect of the World Cup in the Gulf state has focused attention on how it will deal with the expected influx of large numbers of soccer fans from less conservative and non-Muslim societies. It is nonetheless reflective of a wider trend in the region in which youth and women are seeking to broaden norms of public and social behaviour.

Hillary Clinton is feeling pretty good about the election. Almost all of the polls have moved decisively in her favor, the debates were a "disaster" for Donald Trump, and the GOP might be seriously at risk of losing control of the Senate and, just possibly, the House. During the third debate, Clinton once again demonstrated just how masterful she could be at the art of political combat, goading Trump into sharing his most provocative thoughts and mocking some of his most outlandish statements. There were moments when he seemed to be barely holding on as she went after his policies and personality.

Egyptian general-turned-president Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi’s failed economic policies are prompting protests and widespread expressions of discontent. While the grumbling is unlikely to mushroom any time soon into a popular revolt similar to the one that toppled Hosni Mubarak in 2011, it goes a long way to explain why Al-Sisi has refrained from lifting the ban on spectators attending Egyptian soccer league matches. The ban has been in place for much of the last five years.

A key critique of JASTA is that it gives US domestic law precedence over the international agreements that regulate diplomatic relations, and overrides the sovereign rights and immunity of a country that protect it from being prosecuted.

Just as we should never balance the budget on the backs of the poor, it’s an economic delusion to think you can balance it only on the wallets of the rich.” This seemed to be the beautified confession that the then UK chancellor of the exchequer and austerity guru George Osborne made to the Conservative Party Conference in October 2012. The UK’s economy was still suffering from the global financial crisis of 2007 which eventually cost the Labour Party its parliamentary majority in the UK’s 2010 general election. A new coalition government was then formed in which Osborne became in charge of the British economy as the UK’s chancellor of the exchequer, the equivalent post for a finance minister which is considered the second top job in British politics.

I imagine many people are sick of hearing about the investment law. Others may find it distasteful to discuss such a technical, secondary issue while the country is still reeling from the painful blow in Sinai and the fall of brave soldiers who gave their lives for the nation and its security and people.

Wow, you don’t use sugar,” is a statement that I often hear after ordering a cup of tea or coffee and declining the waiter’s request to add sugar. The fact that I am an Egyptian who does not put sugar in caffeinated drinks is often a cause for surprise and admiration among fellow citizens, known for their sugar cravings. It took me about a week to adapt to the taste of non-sweetened caffeinated drinks when I decided to kick the habit a while ago. However, the ultimate benefits of consuming unsweetened drinks are significant.

Both Nasser and Sadat had strong and powerful enemies, but Mubarak was different – and Western diplomats were often impressed by his abilities to sum up issues in simple yet clear and deep terms. In other words, great leaders are both a great resource and a great liability.

I, like many others, was surprised by the sudden decision taken by Saudi Aramco to stop supplying Egypt’s needs of petroleum products, despite the agreement between Egypt and Saudi Arabia stating that the latter will secure Egypt’s requirements for petroleum products at 700,000 tonnes per month for five years. The value of the agreement between the two countries amounts to $23bn to be repaid over 15 years. The agreement came to spare Egypt from the fuel crisis, while cancelling it puts Egypt in a difficult position and may cause a severe crisis similar to that we suffered during the era of the Muslim Brotherhood government.