In fact, the army had not really left the political scene since Morsi dismissed the defence minister and head of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, Mohamed Hussein Tantawi, and Chief of Staff Sami Anan, in August 2012. Under the latter duo, the army had first run the country since the fall of Mubarak, in a transition period of 16 months, and then, after the election of Morsi in June 2012, wanted to maintain an extremely dangerous duality of civil-military power that would inevitably lead to a collision between the presidency and military institution. This confrontation was quickly ended, against all odds, with the dismissal of Tantawi and Anan less than two months after the inauguration of Morsi.

At least 51 died and hundreds were injured when clashes erupted between the ousted president’s supporters and police and military forces near the Republican Guard Officers Club in Cairo, where Mohammed Morsi had been once held. The Muslim Brotherhood claims that the army opened fire at peaceful protesters while the army spokesman insisted that protesters attacked first, using guns and other weapons. This incident is likely to be repeated as the Muslim Brothers, jihadists and other Islamist militants vow to reinstate Morsi even if it costs them their lives. Mohamed el-Beltagy, a Muslim Brotherhood leader, said that terrorist attacks against army and police forces in Sinai will stop as soon as the “coup” is reversed. The grand imam of Al-Azhar, who was among national leaders present during Abdel Fattah al-Sisi's statement announcing the removal of Morsi, expressed great concern over the bloodshed and threatened to go into solitary seclusion if violence does not stop.

Suppose Egypt held free and fair presidential elections tomorrow. Suppose Mohammed Mursi was free to contest, and suppose he won. What then? Would the millions of protesters who urged the military to depose him be suddenly converted? And if not, what would we make of their cries, knowing as we would that despite their impressive numbers, they represent an electoral minority?

Ramadan starts today, Wednesday, but when you walk around the streets of Cairo it is hard to tell. Normally at this time of year they are filled with throngs of shoppers, stands that spill out from storefronts filled with dates, nuts and packages of apricot paste. Twinkling, garishly coloured fawanees, the traditional Ramadan lanterns, light up nearly every entrance of buildings. This year it is a very different story.

The Tamarod campaign has achieved considerable success in lobbying groups across the political spectrum in opposition against toppled President Mohamed Morsy through the signatures it collected to withdraw confidence from the now deposed leader. The campaign had managed to collect nearly 22 million signatures in less than the two months since its launch on 22 April.

Egyptian revolutions have come as a shock to the pillars of government in Washington because they took them by surprise, and in the US psyche the term “revolution” is linked to the Iranian experience that Washington has suffered deeply from.

Egypt faces growing unrest and uncertainty in the wake of President Mohammed Morsi's ouster, many wonder what's next for Middle Eastern leaders, especially Islamists dealing with their own grumbling — or worse — at home.

The US government, a substantial section of mainstream Western media and the ousted Muslim Brotherhood all seem to agree: what took place in Egypt over the past few days was a military coup, a setback for the country's alleged "transition" to democracy.

I was lectured over a year ago by a Western expert on how this was the "Islamist moment." The basic argument was that I, as an opponent critical of Islamist rule, was in fact a minority amongst Egyptians incapable of appreciating the cultural specificity of my country — in short, to understand what we as Egyptians really want.

The 48-hour deadline the army gave President Mohamed Morsi and the opposition seems to be a pre-departure warning for Morsi since the army is certain neither side will sit together or negotiate because of the gaping divide between them that led to the current crisis.

CAIRO, July 2 (Reuters) - Egypt's army reprised its role as hero in a new act of the country's political drama on Monday with a move celebrated by protesters as a decisive blow against an unpopular president just two and half years after the military unseated his predecessor.

Egyptians have spoken, with a loud clear voice. In their millions, in Cairo, Alexandria and elsewhere, people poured onto the streets on Sunday to denounce the government of Mohammed Morsi, their president for the past year.

In a rare historic moment for humanity, the BBC reported on June 30, 2013, that “the number of anti-Muslim Brotherhood protesters today in Egypt is the largest number in a political event in the history of mankind.”

Dr. Pakinam El-Sharkawy, the president’s only remaining assistant and his political advisor, touted the speech made by Mohamed Morsi on Wednesday 26 June as a landmark in transparent leadership and democratic practices.

In previous articles, I went into detail regarding the three groups of the Islamist political movement: the political Islamist parties, at the heart of which is the Muslim Brotherhood; the religion-based political Islamist parties, at the heart of which is the Al-Nour party; and the radical Islamist parties, at the heart of which is the Al-Jamaa Al-Islamiya. Today, I will try to answer the question posed in the column’s title.

A few weeks ago I left town to visit family and friends. It is always nice to take a vacation, but over the years the adjustment period to what used to be my home takes longer and longer. I left Cairo behind in a haze of sweltering heat and stepped into a world where boots and sweaters were no luxury. It took me days to adjust to the sunlight lingering until after ten at night, the full palette of green wherever I looked, the cleanliness of the streets and the disciplined way the shiny cars adhered to the traffic rules.

Picture this. An “Islamist” politician is making his way through Cairo’s bustling streets. The cacophonous sounds of the city’s notorious traffic compete with a muezzin’s call to prayer. Polluted air fills his chest. With each step, his shoes collect more dust. The aroma of freshly baked bread from a nearby government bread oven reaches his nose, but is rudely overtaken by the stench of garbage piled high between Cairo’s tightly packed buildings.

As pressure by the masses mounts for early presidential elections that give the final word to the people — the sole source of sovereignty and master of all powers — voices from the “Islamic” right are warning against the repercussions of this democratic move. They claim it would trigger instability, because even if the sitting president is overthrown the tenure of any other president who is elected after him would not last long.

The ongoing demonstrations taking place in big cities of Turkey against Erdogan rule, could be the start of a major uprising against the Justice and Development Party's rule in Turkey. The demonstrations started with an environmental movement against turning a public park into a mall and then developed into wide public and union demonstrations against the brutal security measures taken by the Erdogan government against the peaceful demonstrations.

Last article, I explained the social background of the second group of the political Islamist movement, which was the religion-based Islamist parties. This time, I will explain that of the third group of the Islamist political movement, the radical Islamist group. By radical, I mean the Islamist groups that are officially active in the political world and not the groups that are secretly involved and carry weapons.

The streets are filled with Tamarrod ('Rebel') volunteers, on their feet for hours in the often scorching heat of Egypt's summer. They are from every age and every walk of life, perhaps only united by fiercely determined visages.