The Islamic State can be put in its place. But Iraq and the international community need to take quick action against this group and expose its atrocities before it is too late.

Egypt, the heart of the Arab world, could and should be a major player today in finding resolution to all of the chaos and violence in the Middle East today. Instead, it is returning to the kind of repressive, police-state ways it experienced under former (and now jailed) President Hosni Mubarak.

The Islamic State can be put in its place. But Iraq and the international community need to take quick action against this group and expose its atrocities before it is too late.

It is difficult for me to believe that Israel’s political leaders are so superficial and naïve to think they can entirely eliminate Hamas with such a military operation. Therefore, whether it is proclaimed or not, I believe the military campaign aimed to curb Hamas’s capabilities and to destroy a large part of Gaza’s infrastructure, to distract Hamas with rebuilding efforts until the next war. Second, tactically, to appear in front of Israeli public opinion as willing to go to the farthest point to maintain Israel’s security in response to the kidnapping and killing of three settlers. Third, strategically, to obstruct reconciliation between the governments in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, which seemed to be closer than at any other point. In reality, reconciliation would mean returning to a united negotiating stance for all Palestinian factions. Fourth, destroying Gaza tunnels to prevent Hamas from developing its defence capabilities through smuggled weapons.

UN Security Council Resolution 2139 of 22 February 2014, ordered all parties to the conflict in Syria to end the discriminate use of barrel bombs and other weapons in populated areas. In spite of that, both the Syrian and the Iraqi governments continue using them against civilians. Human rights groups have characterised them as weapons of terror and illegal under international conventions.

The Cairo sun beat down mercilessly upon landing at the airport; it would not compare to the emotional assault of a 40-day odyssey into the valley of the divided: Egypt. What made the trip eventful was not that it was a return home. Though the nation was not at war, per se, this was still the dominant tone at nearly every gathering I was privy to during that time. A coup had unfolded only three weeks before, but cognitive dissidence played its hand, and through this writer’s eyes the tumult was still categorised as a revolutionary coup. Every hour of every day was a learning experience of the sort that few wish to partake in.

The Arab map and its collection of traditional balances are currently poised for major changes. Our Arab countries are the target of successive assaults by their enemies overseas, forces of evil and impedance, and domestic terrorism that is complicit or compatible with foreign agendas. Large areas and major states are the targets of these attacks. Whether the enemy is abroad in the blatant form of colonialism - as is the case of Palestine - or domestic or a blend - as is the case in Iraq and Syria in the East, Egypt and Sudan in the centre or Libya and other Maghreb states in the West of the Arab world - the threat facing Arab countries is the same.

The Arab map and its collection of traditional balances are currently poised for major changes. Our Arab countries are the target of successive assaults by their enemies overseas, forces of evil and impedance, and domestic terrorism that is complicit or compatible with foreign agendas. Large areas and major states are the targets of these attacks. Whether the enemy is abroad in the blatant form of colonialism - as is the case of Palestine - or domestic or a blend - as is the case in Iraq and Syria in the East, Egypt and Sudan in the centre or Libya and other Maghreb states in the West of the Arab world - the threat facing Arab countries is the same.

In his address marking the celebration of Laylat Al-Qadr by the Ministry of Religious Endowments, President Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi mentioned non-Muslims in Western countries who malign Islam as a religion and Mohammed as the good prophet (PBUH). Then he asked an important question: Do we — as Muslims in Egypt and elsewhere — not insult our own religion? "Do we distinguish ourselves among nations with honesty and compassion?"

The general budget is a key document in defining a state's socio-economic policies. It reflects its social biases or balance between the interests of the poor, middle class and wage workers on the one hand, and the interests of the wealthy, and local and foreign large-scale capitalists on the other. It reflects the balance between consumption and enjoying the present through investing in the future and achieving economic leaps through major improvements in future standards of living. It also reflects the government's choice to mobilise society and state to trigger an economic boom based on self-reliance or borrowing or burdening future generations with heavy debts.

Elites are blessed! A tiny minority in any given society that enjoys great privileges associated with the amazing knowledge, personal status, social recognition and many other fortunate traits that they possess. But are Egypt’s elites using these qualities in the service of their country? Certainly not! Most of them have developed a talent for putting their superior qualities in the service of various rulers in return for preserving their social status and retaining their privileges and, definitely, at the cost of serving their country.

In his address marking the celebration of Laylat Al-Qadr by the Ministry of Religious Endowments, President Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi mentioned non-Muslims in Western countries who malign Islam as a religion and Mohammed as the good prophet (PBUH). Then he asked an important question: Do we — as Muslims in Egypt and elsewhere — not insult our own religion? "Do we distinguish ourselves among nations with honesty and compassion?"

For its 2014 forecasts, the World Bank predicts that Egypt’s economy will grow by 2.4% followed by a further 2.9% expansion in 2015. Endowed with a young population, Egypt has a strong potential to kickstart its economic development programme. In fact, Goldman Sachs – one of the largest investment banks in the world, identified Egypt as 1 of 11 high promising developing countries for the 21st century (The N11). Necessary for this engine growth will be the efficient allocation and management of all of Egypt’s assets, with special importance on its human capital resource. Based on the latest estimates on permanent and temporary migrants, there are more than 3.5 million Egyptians living beyond her borders. This presence represents a significant share of Egypt’s population, which has been actively contributing to Egypt’s economy through their financial remittances and by sharing global best practices that they have gained while being abroad. Unfortunately, Egypt has historically underutilised this important asset. However, Egyptian policymakers and the Egyptian professional community can do more to fully reap these positive economic rewards by examining what are some of the best practices that have already been successful within Egypt as well as examining initiatives that similar countries are undertaking.

Since Hamas seized control of the Gaza strip, three notable spells of war have engulfed one of the most densely populated parts of the world. The latest of such outbreaks have been by far the deadliest of the three armed conflicts; more than 1,800 people have perished since Israel launched its operation on 8 July.

In his address marking the celebration of Laylat Al-Qadr by the Ministry of Religious Endowments, President Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi mentioned non-Muslims in Western countries who malign Islam as a religion and Mohammed as the good prophet (PBUH). Then he asked an important question: Do we — as Muslims in Egypt and elsewhere — not insult our own religion? "Do we distinguish ourselves among nations with honesty and compassion?"

A young black girl is raped and abused by two racist white men, who are then shot by the girl’s father during their trial. This is the premise of ‘A Time to Kill’, a book by John Grisham. In the courtroom drama the lawyer attempts to convince the jury to release the father but finds it difficult to find sympathy in the south. In the movie version the lawyer finally asks the jury to close their eyes and picture the rape, but with a young white girl and two black men.

Gold, oil, timber, cocoa: these four words could sum up the essence of African economic development over the 20th century. Investors dug mines, brought in derricks, and chopped down trees, but with few exceptions that was largely it.

A young black girl is raped and abused by two racist white men, who are then shot by the girl’s father during their trial. This is the premise of ‘A Time to Kill’, a book by John Grisham. In the courtroom drama the lawyer attempts to convince the jury to release the father but finds it difficult to find sympathy in the south. In the movie version the lawyer finally asks the jury to close their eyes and picture the rape, but with a young white girl and two black men.

In perhaps the only sign of action from the West to the increased intensity of Christian persecution, France has opened itself up to refugees from Iraq, who are being driven out under pain of death by ISIS. This is a welcome reversion to form for France, which ever since the Middle Ages has periodically found ways to protect Christian minorities abroad. This is a great beginning — but it is such a small response to the magnitude of Christian persecution, happening not just in Iraq and Syria, but in Nigeria and Egypt as well.

Through the last five articles we noted what we call the characteristics of slums and determined that there are four main attributes of these neighbourhoods. The most important of these characteristics are that the residents of slums are poor and marginalised, the area lacks prior planning and services and is newly constructed.

The general budget is a key document in defining a state's socio-economic policies. It reflects its social biases or balance between the interests of the poor, middle class and wage workers on the one hand, and the interests of the wealthy, and local and foreign large-scale capitalists on the other. It reflects the balance between consumption and enjoying the present through INVESTING in the future and achieving economic leaps through major improvements in future standards of living. It also reflects the government's choice to mobilise society and state to trigger an economic boom based on self-reliance or borrowing or burdening future generations with heavy debts.