When I told friends and colleagues that my new job would be based in Cairo, almost everyone mentioned the awful congestion in the city, and how I would be wasting a tremendous amount of time being stuck in traffic. And how right they were: when it comes to traffic, Cairo is one of the most congested cities in the world. Of course, the city's residents already know congestion is one of the city's biggest problems. What they probably don't know is exactly how much it's costing them.

“Shocking, appalling, preposterously unjust.” These are excerpts of angry global reactions to the harsh prison sentences of three journalists for Al-Jazeera English by an Egyptian court. Canadian Mohamed Fahmy and Australian Peter Greste were sentenced to seven years in jail on charges of aiding terrorists and endangering national security, based merely on ludicrous pieces of evidence. While the verdict is shocking, it actually fits in with the general attitude and outlook of the new Egyptian leadership. Sisi’s new Egyptian Republic is shaped on terms and conditions like power, prestige, and authority. An old Nasserite slogan has resurfaced, the “Dignity of the State.” In that context, the new leadership in Cairo views journalists, media, human rights advocates, and even revolutionaries with suspicion. They are all a threat to its authority and therefore there is no room for dissent.

14 June marks National Anti-FGM Day in honour of 12-year-old Bodour Shaker, from Minya, who died on the same date in 2007 as a victim of this inhumane practice. In June 2013, 13-year-old Soheir El Batea from Daqahleya suffered the same fate. As heartbreaking as these two tragedies are, their untimely deaths were not in vain: as a result of public mobilisation, the practice of female genital mutilation (FGM) was criminalised by law in 2008 and the first criminal case is currently under prosecution, respectively. FGM is a grave violation of human rights and one of the worst forms of discrimination against girls and women.

Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi won the presidential election by an overwhelming majority of almost 97 percent. This crushing victory was predictable for several reasons. The first, and most important, is that he overthrew Egypt's former president, the Muslim Brotherhood's Mohamed Morsi, in response to huge popular protests against his rule on 30 June 2013.

The Global Summit to End Sexual Violence in Conflict was held last week in London, the largest gathering to ever happen on the subject. Co-chaired by the UK foreign secretary William Hague and UNHCR Special Envoy Angelina Jolie, the summit gathered delegations from 129 countries, including 79 ministers. This gathering aimed at bringing the international community together to agree on actions to “end the use of rape as a weapon of war and the culture of impunity for those who commit these crimes”, as per the statement.

In Egypt, the initial three-quarters of the 20th century had shaped an era of struggle for enlightenment and the achievement of equality between women and men.

As Israeli tanks invaded Gaza in December 2008, they didn't lead the way. Some 500 yards ahead, Israeli drones cleared the area with missiles. Even after the initial assault, Operation Cast Lead saw an enormous use of drones. On January 4, a missile hit the roof of the Habbash family home in Gaza City. Six Palestinian children had been playing on the roof seconds earlier. Two children lost their legs and 10-year-old Shaza and 12-year-old Israa were killed.

At moments of general uncertainty, urban legends spread like wildfire giving rise to tales of the awaited prophet, the mighty warrior and visions of the righteous. Some of these legends conceal a collective failure while others reveal a lack of understanding, but they still remain a form of collective therapy that communities resort to at times of difficulty.

You don’t need to read the United Nations report saying 99.3% of Egyptian women have been sexually harassed (and worse) to know how serious of a problem the issue is in Egypt. Half of Egyptian society is under constant threat in the public space — studies, reported cases, and anecdotes all make this very clear.

I do not know the exact cost of congratulatory ads, which pay tribute to the appointment of a new president, in our press. Has the cost increased in comparison to previous years?

I do not know the exact cost of congratulatory ads, which pay tribute to the appointment of a new president, in our press. Has the cost increased in comparison to previous years?

You don’t need to read the United Nations report saying 99.3% of Egyptian women have been sexually harassed (and worse) to know how serious of a problem the issue is in Egypt. Half of Egyptian society is under constant threat in the public space — studies, reported cases, and anecdotes all make this very clear.

You don’t need to read the United Nations report saying 99.3% of Egyptian women have been sexually harassed (and worse) to know how serious of a problem the issue is in Egypt. Half of Egyptian society is under constant threat in the public space — studies, reported cases, and anecdotes all make this very clear.

Egyptians are looking for a hero, a person who will magically solve their problems with minimal contribution on their part.. Egypt’s current president, aware of this issue, capitalised on this fragile emotional bond to garner additional votes and reinforce his popularity. It would be a serious mistake for President Al-Sisi to believe that his compatriots love him unconditionally, however. On the contrary; Egyptians will bestow the status of hero upon him so that he can meet their demands; not fulfilling their expectations means that they will quickly abandon him

“Who is the alternative?” This was indeed the most repeated and frustrating question asked by the pro-Sisi camp during the past two weeks, before and during the surreal presidential election that brought a military man to power after three years of calls for democracy.

At moments of general uncertainty, urban legends spread like wildfire giving rise to tales of the awaited prophet, the mighty warrior and visions of the righteous. Some of these legends conceal a collective failure while others reveal a lack of understanding, but they still remain a form of collective therapy that communities resort to at times of difficulty.

Evidence has again emerged indicting that if Western mainstream media actually reported more on the sufferings of Christians throughout the Islamic world, their lot would likely improve.

With a subtle smile on her face, hands crossed demurely in her lap, Intisar Amer watched the presidential inauguration of her husband Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi as the new president of Egypt. The new First Lady held her head up high in a smart black and white, Spanish-style hijab. The inauguration was for her as much as it was for her husband.

There are theoretically three camps in Egypt: the military camp (Sisi supporters), the Islamist camp (Morsi supporters), and the secular camp (democracy advocates). The third camp, however, is hardly as cohesive as the other two, and represents a hodgepodge of political movements, philosophies, and plans.

From regulating demonstrations to regulating storytelling, from tightening security on the streets to securing cyberspace, and from the protection of society to monitoring it: all would be included. This was the message sent by the Ministry of Interior when it announced it would be establishing what it called “a system to monitor security risks posed by social networks”.