To confront Egypt’s addiction crisis head on, the Ministry of Social Solidarity launched the campaign “You Are Stronger than Drugs.” The initiative, introduced by Minister Ghada Wali, is worth noting and may prove to be immensely effective in the long run. I watched Dr. Wali speak on the issue with Lamees El Hadidi on Hona El Asema, and here are the accomplishments thus far.

Day after day, there are more signs demonstrating the lack of any willingness on the Egyptian state’s part to even remotely apply the principles of freedom of information that are stipulated in Egypt’s Constitution. Between measures like media gags, cracking down on civil society organisations, delegitimising international human rights reports and official statements that ask Egyptians to listen only to their rulers, the state appears to be after an environment where it monopolises information on all possible levels.

Have you ever met a Christian who joking said, “Praise Jesus” and then followed it by, “Why haven’t you converted to Christianity already?”

Egypt is in need of effort from its nationals who have a vision and can make decisive, bold decisions. We have countless problems, but also solutions. We look for foreign funding to invest in Egypt, but we should also consider the wasted billions of the state budget through studying and researching to balance inputs and outputs and understand the level of corruption that takes place at the higher level.

In a fractious, unstable region rife with conflict, one country appears to be unscathed. It is telling that Oman emerged not only intact from the ramifications of the Arab Spring, but also shied away from the intense polarisation that has hijacked the rest of the Middle East. Oman’s position on various regional issues is self-evidently peaceful and different from the other Gulf monarchies. In fact, behind this peaceful and unique position lies a hive of activity of which many may be unaware. As part of the revolutionary wave, a series of popular demonstrations were held in Oman with the masses calling for better living standards (including lower living costs, less corruption, salary increases, and job creation) and more democracy. The protests were peaceful and showed respect for the ruler. In return, Sultan Qaboos bin Said Al-Said accepted the petitions and undertook a number of steps to contain the unrest.

During a recent trip to Argentina I was talking to an old friend, a successful psychiatrist, about Jorge Luis Borges, the famous Argentine writer considered by many as one of the greatest writers of the 20th century. She told me about the only time she had met him. “I had gone to a lecture by Borges at a cultural centre in Buenos Aires. I was a 14-year-old student planning to study literature at the university and become a writer and Borges was a hero of mine.

In previous parts to this series, we were able to understand the types of the problems that would lead you to seek a psychiatrist, types of psychotherapists, and decisions related to ailments and treatments. Now it is time to talk about what you expect from your doctor, what are the specific rules for psychotherapy, and how do you decide whether you should continue to see a therapist or not?

Without commenting on judicial rulings, the continued application of the protest law indicates that the state is continuing down the same path that is taking us toward more tension on the street and further divisions in society, and pushing young people to opt for more strident means to express their despair at ever having a voice.

I know I am not be the first, nor will I be the last, to write about unemployment in Egypt, but in the next few paragraphs I will talk about unemployment as a disaster rather than as a problem. It has become like a snowball whose size increases day by day and afflicts young people and their families every hour of every day. The black terrorism, which brutally hits the Egyptian state in a precise and regular manner, is grateful that we have not resolved this problem, thus our frustrated and bankrupt youth become easy prey and fuel for militant groups.

Generally, discourse in any society is the entire body of words and deeds, and it is social practice. Media discourse conveys this social practice to the audience through media, which has its declared and undeclared prejudices.

Battles for the control of stadiums and other public spaces in Turkey and Egypt have pitched militant soccer fans against authoritarian leaders determined to limit supporters’ ability to challenge their authority. As a result, a struggle that comes on the back of years of confrontation in the stadiums and mass, watershed anti-government protests that in 2011 toppled Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak and in 2013 rocked Turkey and reinforced President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s autocratic instincts, has moved beyond stadiums.

When I read the Central Bank of Egypt (CBE) Law No. 88 of 2003, known as the Banking Law, I could not help but notice Article No. 44 regarding the Federation of Egyptian Banks (FEB).To save the effort of interpreting the law for non-specialists, I will list a summary in the following points:

I don’t intend to add much to what others have said and written over the last two weeks in defense of press freedom and the independence of the Journalists Syndicate or to condemn the state’s continued harassment of youth protesting its policies. The current situation requires more than a declaration of principled positions. It calls for an assessment of the gravity of the present moment and the courage to find a way out of the impasse.

It is one of the most complicated issues faced by political economic studies for development. Just like other complicated issues, there are those who consider that a minimal level of democracy is required to achieve economic development, while others oppose that view. There are also those who say there is a dialectic and complicated relationship between the two issues.

Donald Trump attacking Hillary Clinton for her husband’s infidelity marks a new low in the likely Republican presidential nominee’s below-the belt-campaign rhetoric. Unfortunately, things are bound to only get worse.

In Egypt, protest and repression spark off from one another. The state, which has a strong grip on the whole society, applies its repressive policy to intimidate citizens and deter them from engaging in demonstrations. Many citizens try to protest against the state to condemn and shout down its repressive policy. The state believes, falsely, that by criminalising thousands of innocent Egyptians it is stabilising the country; in fact, it is inciting more citizens to challenge its repressive policy. Although protesting comes at a high price, it has proven to be successful, whereas repression cannot be a sustainable policy.

After a period when electricity shortages and black-outs were a regular occurrence in Egypt, we are now entering an exciting period in the Egyptian energy sector, despite the challenges of the prevailing economic climate.

Generally, discourse in any society is the entire body of words and deeds, and it is social practice. Media discourse conveys this social practice to the audience through media, which has its declared and undeclared prejudices.

I’m afraid the ongoing debate over the demonstrations of April 25 will prevent us from examining their significance with some objectivity and distance. Officials were pleased with what they saw as the utter lack of response to the call to protest by several political parties and forces, pointing to the few hundred demonstrators who turned out and the calm that prevailed in public squares and streets around the country.

With Saudi Arabia announcing plans for a major restructuring of the kingdom’s economy and Iran gearing up to become a regional hegemony, women’s sports are emerging as a benchmark of reform, and one that so far is less than promising.