For decades, Egyptian regimes have adopted the principle of not getting involved in direct wars against terrorism outside Egyptian borders, limiting confrontations to radical militant groups in its territories. Even with the rise of the regional terrorist threat, the ascent and expansion of the Islamic State (IS) group, and the formation of an international coalition to fight the group, the Egyptian state maintains its position of refusing to get involved in military action, limiting its contribution to providing intelligence support. This is the same role that Egypt has been playing for years in the war on terror.

Libya is witnessing armed chaos and division of regions as well as cities, while battles and conflicts are occurring between extremist militias and the Libyan army near Libyan cities. A lot of militias spread in Libya; all of them were formed after the fall of Gaddafi’s regime. The major armament assets of these brigades came from the stockpiles of the regime that kept amassing weapons over decades. This is why a lot of these militias appeared as small armies driving armoured

Libya is witnessing armed chaos and division of regions as well as cities, while battles and conflicts are occurring between extremist militias and the Libyan army near Libyan cities. A lot of militias spread in Libya; all of them were formed after the fall of Gaddafi’s regime. The major armament assets of these brigades came from the stockpiles of the regime that kept amassing weapons over decades. This is why a lot of these militias appeared as small armies driving armoured vehicles in the streets and within cities, and they frequently use RPGs in the smallest confrontations.

One of the most astounding phenomena following the brutal slaying of 21 Copts, who had been kidnapped since December 2014, is the hyper-nationalistic reactions within Egyptian society. These reactions of immediate unquestioning support to military response in Libya extend to numerous revolutionary hardliners who are greatly opposed to Al-Sisi’s rule, yet found in this atrociousness a chance to unite against a common enemy, temporarily putting aside fundamental differences with the regime. Considering the outrage, it is difficult to believe that three years ago, the Egyptian military ran over more Copts in Egypt than “Islamic State” killed in Libya, and no one was brought to account.

In his book “Presidential Leadership and the Creation of the American Era”, Joseph Nye of Harvard University divided American presidents into two groups. One is made up of “transformational” leaders – those with the grandiose goal of using American influence to spread democracy and liberty around the world. The second group contains “transactional” leaders – pragmatists who have modest goals. Although I don’t completely agree with Nye’s conclusions, I agree with his premise of classifying leaders.

On the second day of what is actually being billed as the White House Summit to Counter Violent Extremism, President Obama tried again today to explain his strategy for defeating ISIS. But as with his speech on Wednesday, the result was a confusing rhetorical mess that failed to prioritize the need to defeat the terrorists. The president is clearly worried about reinforcing what he considers to be ISIS’s narrative of this war, but in doing so he seems to have actually conceded victory to them. By doggedly sticking to his position that there is no such thing as Islamist terror and by focusing on the economic and political grievances of such groups, the president undermined any notion that the U.S. was committed to the fight. Indeed, rather than bolster the West’s resistance to ISIS, the massive effort expended on this public-relations extravaganza may have only solidified the belief among the terrorists that this president isn’t someone they should either fear or take seriously.

A stampede at a Cairo stadium earlier this month, much like a politically-loaded football brawl in the Suez Canal city of Port Said three years ago, is shining a spotlight on Egypt’s unreformed, unabashedly violent, and politically powerful police and security forces amid confusion over what precisely happened and how many fans died.

Twenty one Egyptians were victims of a war crime in Libya. In the jaded hallways of international relations, opportunity knocked for Egypt’s Al-Sisi.

In light of the strategy of fighting terrorism and extremism, regardless of whether you support or oppose this strategy, we all notice that terrorism is expanding. The strategy was widened to include not only armed terrorists but also any one holding the “Rabaa” sign, even if they do not participate in or provoke direct violence. It also includes anyone involved in clashes between protestors participating in protests but who are not of the outlawed Muslim Brotherhood.

It’s so sad to hear people saying we should “Kill Jews” or “Kill Palestinians”. “As if that’s going to solve anything SMH (shaking My head)” tweeted Deah Barakat, a 23-year-old student who was shot, according to his father, execution style, along with his wife, Yusor Mohammad Abu-Salha, 21, and her sister, Razan Mohammad Abu-Salha, 19. The shooting took place on Tuesday in their apartment near the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill campus. The suspect, as it was reported, is a 46-year-old Craig Stephen Hicks, surrendered and was arrested on was charges of first-degree murder.

In light of recent events and happenings across Cairo – from the Tahrir memorial to the deaths at the Air Defence Stadium and Vladimir Putin’s visit – Egypt faces an unsettling currency change against its Egyptian pound to the American dollar. With that being said, the Russian leader met with Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi to discuss the elimination of the US dollar in bilateral trade between both nations.

The death of at least 40 militants, highly politicised, and street battle-hardened Egyptian football fans in clashes with security forces raises the stakes for General-turned-President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi’s efforts to suppress political dissent.

Over the past four decades, there has been a drawn out retreat in the value of the Egyptian pound against the US dollar, through cycles of a drop in value followed by a period of anticipation of the next drop. Over the past six months, the value of the pound suffered a significant setback against the dollar, and then a sharp drop since the start of this year on both the official market and the omnipresent black market.

Over thirty Egyptians did not return home last night and Mohamed Ibrahim, Minister of Interior, shoulders responsibility. You can be certain the honorable minister is not the only party culpable in the second disaster of its kind to strike Egyptian football in the last three years, 74 lives having been extinguished in Port Said previously.

Many questions and too few answers, but in such difficult moments there can be no division, no discord. Unity is essential to honour the sacrifices of the martyrs and wounded, respect the grief of their families, and resolve not to let their lives be in vain.

With one simple policy – more free trade – we could make the world $500tr better off and lift 160m people out of extreme poverty. If there is one question we have to ask ourselves, it is: why don’t we?

Euro-commodity brokers earned a large share of meticulously watched endeavours to source Egypt with approximately $2bn worth of liquefied natural gas [LNG] as they exert great efforts to develop into a sector, which is characteristically governed by large oil corporations. The following three leading companies; Trafigura, Noble Group and Vitol will supply a vast amount of LNG to Egypt, but the remaining quantities will be sourced by British Petroleum.

Egyptian-general-turned-president Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi’s efforts to lend legitimacy to parliamentary elections scheduled for this spring have gotten off to a murky start with the appointment of a controversial, reportedly United Arab Emirates-backed, human rights NGO as one of five foreign election monitors.

There is no doubt that the United States of America is by far the most controversial nation among Arabs. Consecutive US Administrations have somehow managed to cultivate an intense love-hate relationship with millions of Arabs. The valid question ‘Why do they hate us?’, raised in the wake of the 9/11 attacks, can more appropriately be replaced by another relevant question: ‘How can they hate us and love us at the same time?’ The irony here is that, to a great extent, the very same Arabs who hate the United States for its actions, admire many of its qualities.

If Sinai sinks so will Al-Sisi. At least 30 Egyptians, mostly soldiers, are dead in Sinai because Egyptian leadership couldn’t protect them. We inhabit a bottom line world and the bottom line is: Thursday, 29 January 2015, marking the second time in under one hundred days that a major attack by Wilayat Sina (State of Sinai) (previously known as Ansar Beit Al-Maqdis) has shaken the Egyptian nation and taken precious lives. Forty eight hours later, there are questions ringing so loudly in the ears of the public they threaten deafness.

Violence holds a huge cost for our world. Globally, the cost runs to more than 11% of the world’s GDP. But this is not mostly about the highly visible violence that dominates TV and news