I have written about the situation in Sinai more than once over the past three or four years. My approach in these various writings was mainly based on the idea of the nature of the threat of terrorism in Sinai, and how the state’s chosen course of action does not reflect a full grasp of the multi-dimensioned problem. I have often stated that the state uses a single-track strategy built on mere security and military measures, which only handles the operational dimension of the problem.

In just one day, the Prosecutor General received complaints filed against Hisham Geneina, head of the Central Auditing Organization, Hazem Abdel Azim, member of Sisi’s presidential campaign, business tycoon Naguib Sawiris and actor Khaled Abul Naga, all on charges of allegedly "acting against the state."

Official and media circles are increasingly supportive of the idea that confronting terrorism necessitates granting extra-constitutional powers to the police and other state organs. Constitutional rights and guarantees, they say, are a luxury that society cannot afford in the present circumstances. And in any case, this is a temporary situation and things can be put right when the war on terrorism is over, security is restored, and the economy picks up.

The deal to regulate Iran’s nuclear program is a significant political success for the Iranian regime. It will dramatically ease sanctions against the country and gradually allow Iran access to more than $100 billion in frozen financial assets. And, it demonstrates the Iranian regime’s ability to successfully negotiate a long, complicated, and fraught process with Western powers and arrive at a relatively favourable result. Yet, the deal imposes an acute dilemma on the regime.

In diplomacy, there is a core difference between evaluation and spin. The first looks into the strengths, weaknesses and possible next steps, while the latter promotes the strengths, hides weaknesses and does not seriously address possible future scenarios.

Egypt has recently enacted a new law on investment that amends the Egyptian investment law, with high hopes that such a new law increases the chances in restoring confidence in Egypt’s investment climate. An objective evaluation of the new law requires a neutral analysis of its strengths and weaknesses, taking into consideration the existing impediments for foreign and domestic investment.

If you are from the old generation, you will remember the 1959 film “Some Like It Hot” by Tony Curtis, Jack Lemmon and Marilyn Monroe. At that time, the word “some” was used correctly. It was used to mean that “some” liked a certain thing differently than the rest.

Many people were surprised to see the huge maquette of "the new capital for Egypt" presented by a businessman from the UAE at the Sharm el-Sheikh Economic Conference. However, later we heard that the Emirati project had stumbled, and that an Egyptian company will take it over.

Our global and complex economy does many things well, but is consistently absent of strong signals that say ‘cleaner is better’. From climate change to the need for inclusive, sustainable societies, the absence of even the smallest signals leads to investments that degrade the natural systems on which our economy vitally depends.

After 12 years of diplomatic proposals and 20 months of tough negotiations, theocratic Iran and world powers have reached a nuclear deal that, regardless of its potential advantages, is undoubtedly a victory for smart illiberalism and a potential kiss of death for the prospect of liberal, pluralistic democracies in the Middle East.

The violent murder of Egypt’s public prosecutor Hisham Barakat followed quickly by a bloody armed attack in Sinai against security checkpoints have both fueled angry calls for immediate revenge and expedited punishment for terror suspects and groups allegedly supporting them. These calls reverberated through Egyptian TV talk shows and permeated social media platforms.

The new state general budget was released 2 July, when the public was still reeling from the assassination of Prosecutor-General Hisham Barakat and the escalating terrorism in North Sinai, so naturally it did not garner the necessary attention or media coverage.

Spanish philosopher Jose Ortega Gasset had described fascism as paradoxical because it presents itself as a powerful state yet uses all means to destroy that state.

After the people’s revolution by masses of Egyptians from all walks of life on 30 June, supported by the Armed Forces, against religious fascism in the form of Muslim Brotherhood (MB) rule, the leaders of the terrorist group and their followers carried out a series of violent attacks. But at the same time they raised the banner of “peaceful means”. They interpret the violence they practice, whether through sabotage at universities or demonstrators shooting at security forces or blowing up power lines which hurts millions of citizens, as “peaceful” protest in response to the overthrow of the MB dictatorship and deposing President Mohamed Morsi.

The community depicted in the TV series “The Jewish Quarter” was an open community, with relationships based on civil grounds, not on beliefs. Today, six decades later, this community hardly exists.

Those who underestimate Egypt and its might, its people's sturdiness and its army's bravery, are wrong. This nation, that founded patriotism and made it part of humanity's conscience, is capable of building and rising above all hardships.

The Al-Sisi regime, from its unofficial start in 2013, has been about wars: a war on terrorism, a war on the Muslim Brotherhood, and today a new war was declared: on journalism. It is not surprising for those holding pens near and far from Cairo that freedom of speech is under assault in Egypt. Even those who count Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi as a champion of their political cause are quickly realising that the modus operandi of the Egyptian strongman is, at its core, ‘my way or the highway’. The proposed anti-terrorism law crystallises a two year long policy that seeks to tighten, generally, the police state’s grip on Egypt and the autocrat’s hold, specifically, on all matters Egyptian. Mohamed Morsi was removed from power for far less.

Is Yasser Borhamy the new Interior Minister? This question came to my mind when I read that the police had arrested Quranists. Have the police turned into a Mutawa (Saudi Arabia’s religious police)? Has the ministry changed its name and place a sign on its entrance gate reading: The Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice Authority, Tora Bora Branch?

It is with much interest that I am keeping track of the coverage your respectable newspaper and website are giving to the status of higher education and universities in Egypt. I also appreciate the keenness with which you are addressing the Egyptian university issue.

The so-called "Sinai Province" (aka Ansar Beit Al-Maqdis), which is linked to the "Islamic State" group, launched several raids in North Sinai that ended in battles killing 17 soldiers and more than 100 militants, according to the spokesperson of the Egyptian army. It should be said that other reports stated higher numbers of soldiers killed. This horrible incident came after the assassination of Hesham Barakat, Egypt's prosecutor-general, in Cairo. It also happened before the killing of nine members of the Muslim Brotherhood. It looks like a cycle of violence has started and it may have severe consequences on Egypt.

Sinai, a region so unfortunate in every imaginable aspect, on Wednesday witnessed simultaneous attacks on military sites and personnel. Islamic State-affiliated militant groups have claimed responsibility for the attacks, and the Egyptian army in response has launched a rigorous operation of retaliation to target members of terrorist groups in North Sinai.