A state of controversy and polarization dominated the Egyptian people for three years since the January 25 Revolution. Many of those people who participated in the revolution did not expect that the country would witness the current state of polarization, fear, controversy and conflict.

“Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Defense General Abdel Fatah al-Sisi said, in his statements during the Cabinet’s meeting, that he completely refuses the return of ‘old faces’ to the political scene, and Egypt will not return to its status before the January 25 Revolution.”

Caught in the grips of revolutionary fervor in 2011, the Egyptian public viewed the young political activists credited with sparking the revolutionary uprising that brought about Mubarak’s downfall as national heroes. Fast forward to today, and we find that this view has distinctly changed.

They have been tumbled on, they have been harassed, they have faced disappointment after another, yet Egyptian women have set the example for positive participation and expressed their opinion in the referendum on the new constitution, defying all challenges that range from bombs to bullets.

I wrote before about the models’ conflict, and I said yes, there is Islamist model; Islam sets a system for life and gives it different meaning from the material and worldly system.

On Tuesday, Egypt votes on the new constitution, which aims to show the world that 30 June has electoral legitimacy, and thus undermine the Muslim Brotherhood’s legitimacy as well. Given that the Yes campaign is on the streets, on TV, in the newspapers, all over the social media and in targeted text messages to phones, and that the few who dare start a No campaign get arrested, it is fair to say that the Yes vote will win handily, since everyone who will go to the polls is planning to vote Yes anyway. The result will be as follows: a constitution that will get a historic turn-out and approval rating, but will not have electoral legitimacy, because, well, it’s hard to claim it is democratic if those who oppose it are getting arrested. Never mind that the state didn’t need to arrest the few No campaigners: historically, there hasn’t been a single referendum that Egyptians have voted No on. Moreover, the majority of Egyptians were planning to vote Yes anyway since they consider it a vote on the return of the MB to power. Instead, here we are, with the means used completely destroying the end desired.

Soft power comes from official institutions that can influence the outside world, in Egypt these institutions are Al-Azhar, the Coptic Church, universities, and grand museums that hold human legacy. One such museum is in Luxor and holds a quarter of all human legacy according to UNESCO’s reports.

The new draft constitution whose fate Egyptian voters will decide in a few days is a relatively better document than its short-lived predecessor, but is ultimately disappointing and less than what could have been realistically achieved to enhance the civil, political and economic rights of Egyptian citizens.

Anyone who wants to know the magnitude of transformation in Arab-Arab relations after upheavals and revolutions should consider how the Egyptian Foreign Ministry summoned Qatar’s ambassador in Cairo to register its fervent rejection of any interference in Egypt’s domestic affairs.

You are too kind: kind enough to think that reading Utopia is enough to allow you to deal with Egypt’s confusing situation, without trying to study reality during the past three years after the 2011 revolution. Reality is far from being a dream land where good wishes come true just by hopes and mobilizing in squares to demand their fulfillment.

Two days ago circumstances led me to a dialogue with a young man who I knew well. He was not one of the ousted president Mohamed Morsi’s supporters in the first round of the presidential elections, but he supported him in the second when Morsi was competing with Ahmed Shafiq, who was one of the former president Hosni Mubarak’s allies.

By declaring the Muslim Brotherhood "terrorist organisation," the interim government seems to have put an end to any possibility of reconciliation with this group and to any potential participation by its members in legal political activities, including the upcoming legislative and presidential elections, scheduled in the first half of 2014.

Western colonization will remain the same no matter how much people with good intentions think it changes in response to the will of the people.

Prominent authors, columnists and media figures that are affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood have been deliberately overacting following the recent decision of the Egyptian government declaring the Muslim Brotherhood a “terrorist” organization.

Arab countries in general, and Egypt in particular, seem too concerned and are overreacting to Western criticism to the point that we misguidedly view the West’s censure as a declaration of war declaration while its approval is the way to avoid intervention in our internal policy.

When mass media deal with the issue of fake medication, their treatment of such a critical health problem is usually timid and superficial. Media lack the necessary follow up to recognize the reaction of people and affiliated officials and to realize the dimensions of the problem and suggestions to overcome it.

Behind each bomb there are ideas of incitement. The pictures aired by Al-Qaeda-linked terrorist group Ansar Bayt al-Maqdis of suicide bombers smiling as they think that worshipping God is killing citizens reveal the extent of brainwashing that lead youths to make bombs and explosive tools.

The indications of the frequent terrorist attacks targeting civilians, security personnel and security facilities in Sinai and nationwide go beyond Egypt’s internal conflict and represent a link in a chain of political and economic interests operated by a mafia with which terrorist organizations have interests too.

While diplomacy is a means to apply a state’s foreign policy, media is the means to present this policy internally and externally. That’s why we have to realize that there is political discourse to address the outside world other than the one used internally and mixing both is counterproductive. Many of contemporary political regimes fabricate and present a good image of their achievements to bolster internal public opinion or, in other words, for local consumption. But if those regimes try to export such fabricated images to foreign countries, their discourse will sound pale and feeble and will not have its intended effect.

Secretary Hillary Clinton made the argument in early February “that the right path was to pressure Mubarak for change ... but not to pull the rug from beneath him.” She tried to balance strategic security interests in the one hand and soft human rights and democratization issues on the other.

The Sudanese author Mohamed Bahnas’ death of hunger and cold out on Cairo’s streets has made people speak of his virtues, although nobody cared for him while he was alive.