There is no doubt the talk about media in Egypt at this time is very difficult, and the reason is that there is a fierce attack on the oppressed/unjust media.

It is incredible to see the media and public up in arms following leaks that pricey armoured cars are about to be purchased to protect the speaker of the assembly, while hardly anyone cares about the serious constitutional violations made by the assembly since it convened, which have undermined its effectiveness far more than such ostentatious spending. Yes, the car deal is outrageous, especially given current economic conditions. Even more outrageous is the speaker declaring the parliamentary budget a matter of national security and therefore confidential. The parliament’s expenses must be a model of transparency and integrity, particularly because it is supposed to exercise oversight of the government and to hold it accountable.

"Nobody told you that you are poor, nobody told you that we are very poor," the words of President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi hurt Egyptians' feelings -- he uttered it spontaneously as usual, embodying a doctor who diagnoses the illness of a patient and details disease honestly and openly, even though it might be shocking. What Sisi said explicitly, has been uttered more subtly by those who were in his position.

In political science and international relations, among the approaches used in analysing human relations from the individual to the national level is what is known as “political communication.” Supporters of this approach say that many of the internal and external tensions of political life arise from the absence, weakness, or deformation of communication between the different parties.

The Trump administration risks fuelling sectarianism across the Muslim world and exacerbating multiple conflicts that are ripping the Middle East and North Africa apart by singling out Iran rather than tackling root causes.

Talking about announcing the new automotive strategy has become like a scam. We have been talking for three years about the government’s strategy for the auto industry; many meetings and seminars were held to discuss its features.

Among the victims of president Donald Trump’s ban on refugees and immigrants from seven Middle Eastern countries is Kinan Azmeh, a noted Syrian clarinettist and composer. Presently, Azmeh is stuck in Beirut, even though he has an EB-1 “alien with extraordinary abilities” visa and has lived in New York for the past 16 years. The US government’s prohibition for Azmeh (and for thousands of others) to return to his own home is a cruel and unnecessary measure that does a disservice to culture and the arts.

The title above is not my own. It comes from billboards posted along major thoroughfares as part of a campaign to stir people’s enthusiasm and urge them to rally behind their leaders to confront the challenges facing the country.

Women worldwide, including Egyptian, do not forget the first International Women’s Year that the UN General Assembly launched in 1975. That year, the first global conference on women’s rights to freedom and equality was held in Mexico, a developing country.

The phone call between the two presidents, Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi and Donald Trump, and most importantly, the awaited visit by Al-Sisi to Washington both have several reasons that can be categorised into two segments.

Several months ago a student asked me about the Jewish attitude towards refugees. With the executive orders last Friday, that question is now an urgent one. We can look to a brief passage in our scriptures to find an answer.

At a time in which the Egyptian people are wondering where the Egyptian government is, what is the parliament doing to control the markets, and who will save them from these crazy prices? While no one is answering these questions, and no one is thinking of the people amidst all our current crises, we were surprised that there are statements being made about a cabinet reshuffle. This is an outdated trick used to distract people with an irrelevant issue.

I don’t think there’s one Egyptian who hasn’t paid some price over the last six years in the conflicts and crises the country experienced following the January 25 revolution, though the price certainly differed from one person to the next

“I don’t fill the electric kettle to the brim anymore; I boil only enough water for my cup of tea,” “I do better; I stopped using the electric kettle altogether and shifted back to the stove teapot,” “Every lamp that needs to be replaced I replace with an LED one,” “I’m pulling out my old clothes—they are worth revisiting,” “The sugar crisis hasn’t affected me one bit; I don’t add sugar to either my coffee or tea,” and “I refused to buy Mawlid (birth of Prophet Mohamed) sweets this year; it was so expensive, it wasn’t worth it.”

It is worthy to recall a well known story. During the first third of the 20th century, prominent liberal intellectual Ahmad Lutfi El-Sayyed was running for a parliamentary seat and was a candidate in a rural area where he had strong family ties. His competitor, facing this formidable opponent, tried to discredit him and said he was a democrat, believing in democracy, a new anti-religion doctrine inherently atheist. During his electoral meetings — a key event in the pre-television era — people asked him: “Are you a democrat?” He kept on replying, “Yes, and I’m proud of it.” He lost the election as people were shocked at a prestigious public figure who acknowledged being an atheist.

During the previous decade, several Arab countries faced big challenges such as severe deterioration in economic conditions, education, health, etc. On the other hand, rates of inflation, unemployment, and corruption increased. The increase of ethnic and sectarian disputes, the gap between the ruling elite and the people, political and security constraints, and interference in the parliamentary election procedures led to political and social division.

Sometimes, I try to stay away from writing, because I feel that the written word should resonate with decision makers in Egypt in order for the writer and researcher to feel that his/her efforts were not in vain and can actually bear fruit that the society can reap. But the important thing is that each one of us does what he/she has to do sincerely and frankly in a homeland that is suffering and fighting on all fronts for more than three years.

Mawlana was the title of medieval religious leaders in Central Asia. It was also a reference to the Sufi poet and scholar Jalal ad-Din Muhammad Rumi. It can literally be translated into “Our Master”, “Our Teacher”, or “Our Preacher”. Beyond these meanings, however, what particularly interests me are the paradoxes that accompany the “our” part of the film’s title. The film narrates the story of Mawlana, Sheikh Hatem Al-Shenawy, whose piety is fragmented and dispersed among the interests of politicians, businesspeople, and family members. These political, economic, and social forces directly and indirectly claim an ownership of Sheikh Hatem’s spirituality by intervening in different ways into his opinions about the “adequate” shape of piety.

With the onset of the new year, rising complaints about price hikes, and increasing media and parliamentary criticism of government performance, the time seems ripe for a Cabinet shuffle In fact, the rumor mill is already grinding: it will be minimal change, limited to a handful of weak-performing ministers. Or actually, it will bring sweeping change, possibly even a new prime minister. Or in fact, there won’t be any change—it’s just a way of reminding ministers they’re being constantly monitored so they don’t get too comfortable.

On Dec. 11, a bomb ripped through the chapel in the St. Mark’s Cathedral complex, the seat of Egypt’s ancient Coptic Orthodox Church. It killed 27 people and wounded another 49, one of the deadliest attacks on the country’s Christian minority in recent memory.

Offer me a carbonated soft drink, and you can stay here” was a shocking phrase that I heard from a member of former president Hosni Mubarak’s security apparatus as I was waiting for a friend to pick me up in one of the most crowded streets in Cairo, close to the president’s residence. After hearing this statement, I felt that if I had treated the security guard to a hot meal, I could have gotten into the president’s residence itself. This story, and plenty of others, summarises the degree of corruption and deficiency that has infiltrated the working of every single entity in Egypt, including entities that are often referred to as the “highest authorities”.